- -

ከሃይል ንቀት ወደ ዕውቀትና ንቃት ለህዝባዊ ዕድገት

ዕው

ስማ ስሚ ስሙ በስመ አብ ቢስሚላሂ በሉ፤

በቅላጼ መልክት፤ ይታደስ-ይቀደስ ትውልደ-ብርሃኑ፤

በተቻለው መጠን፤ በተፈለገ ለት፤ ቀን ይወጣል አሉ።

እንደ መሃል ምሥራቅ፤ አፍሪቃ ሰሜኑ፤

ኢትዮጵያም ይደርሳል ፅዋው መኅበሩ፤

Beautiful Minds of Addis Tiwlid 2012 1*)

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Tuesday, June 28, 2011

የፋብሪካ ዜና፦የዜና ፋብሪካ፦የሰ ሞኑ ገብያ

" ነፃ አውጪኝ ክሊንተን"

-From Thursday, June 2, 2011, reproduced here with an update-


የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የፋብሪካ ዜና 

ዛሬም እንደገና፦
ለማቅረብ ምስጋና
ነዋያችን በዝቶ ጃፓን ደርስዋልና!
*
እች ነች ጭዋታ
ሆድ ሲያውቅ ዶሮ ማታ...
አፈ ጮማይትዋ፦
...
ነጻ አውጪ ክሊንተን
                          እንክዋን ደረስሽልን፤
ያል አንቺ ቡራኬ 
እኔም ሆንኩ ጥላቴ
                                ምንም አይሆንልን።
....
ድምጸ አሜሪካንም
አይዞሽ አታስቢ፣ አይከለከልም፦
ያለምን ባንክ ብቻ አፉን አስይዥልን፦
ሌላውም አይቀባጥር ኦሮሞ ኦጋዴን
ኤሳት ሆነ ሌላ ፦እሳት አይንዛብን፦
ያም ሆነ ይህኛው፦ ሸብር ፈጣሪ ነው ካልወደደን እኛን ፣
ለዜና ፋብሪካ ፣ከእኔና አንቺ ወዲያ፦ እኛው እንበቃለን።

ታውቂው የለም እንዴ፣ ከባድ ሸክም አለን
ያከባቢው ፖሊስ ፣ ወኪል ያሜሪካን፦
የለም የሚታዘዝ ፦ እንደኔ የሚሆን፦
ሆኖም፦ ይመስለኛል፣ ለኔ ብተይልኝ...ነጻ - አውጭነቱን 
ታሪክ ያለኝ ሎሌ፦ትላንት ሱማሌ፦ ዛሬ ደግሞ ሱዳ ን፤
ጠባየ ጎደሎ፦ የትላንት ወዲያውን 
አታንሽው ግድየለም እናሳየዋለን፦ይቀር በሆዳችን 
ብዙ ነው ሥራችን።

አለያም አይበጀን፦አይበጅም
አይ ካልሽኝ ኣይሆንም
እንደ ብርቱክዋንዋ የስውር ወዳጅሽ፦
ዶሮ ሲያረጉ አይታ፣ ብየ፣ እንዳልተርትብሽ፤
ጨው ሁኚ ይልቁን፦ ስትዪ ለራስሽ 
ተረት አረጋለሁ፦ተረት እወዳለሁ፣ 
አላስቸግርሽም፦ ጣፍጪ ብየሻለሁ።

  ሃገሬ ሰፊ ነው በገቢያ ላይ ወጥትዋል፣
ከሩቅ ምስራቅ ሆነ ከህንድም ይመጣል፤
የአረብ ባለጸጋም ፣ገዥው ተትረፍርፍዋል።
*
የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የወሬ፦የዜና ፋብሪካ፤   
ሰሞኑን በዛብን፤  ኧረ ምነው ፈካ! 

ዳቦ አይሆን ነገሩ፤ አይተካ ዶላሩን፦
ለክፉ ቀን ብሎ ፦ የ ኮ በ ለ ለ ው ን! 
እንዳባይ ወንዝ ውሃ ያልተገደበውን፦
ላገር ብልጥግና አልሆንም ያለውን።

በላይ በላዩ የወሬ ጉርሻ
ለምን ይሆን፦ ለችግር ቅርሻ
በላይ በላዩ ዛቻ
ለምን ይሆን ፤ መሰንበቻ
ነዋይ ሥልጣን ፦ ማከማቻ
*
 -ኤርትራን እወራለሁ

-አባይን ገድባለሁ

-ግብጥን ነክሻለሁ

-ሱዳን እሄዳለሁ
      ሰላም መጥናለሁ

-ሱማሌ  እቆያለሁ።

-ዋጋ  መቆ ጣጠር
ትቻለሁ ፡ ለቃለሁ

-ካቶሊክ ሆኛለሁ ፤ 
ነጋዴ አግብቼያለሁ

- ይቅርታ ብያለሁ፤
ደርግን እፈታለሁ።
*
ደግሞም ድንቅ እንቅ ይበላችሁ
አልፌ ተርፌ ጃፓንን ረዳለሁ
ለታሪክና ፌዝ
ይመዝገብ በቶሎበጥብቅ አዝዣለሁ
 (ይኀ  ሁሉ፤)

እንዳንረሳሳ ፡ ጅራፍ እባላለሁ
ገርፌ ጮሃለሁ፤
ብሬን አሸሻለሁ፡
ዋ  ብቻ ብያለሁ፤
ቀልቤን እንዳትገፉ፦ ሃብቴን እንዳትነኩ
ባህር ማዶ ያለውን፤ በየፈረንጅ ባንኩ።

(ላለ ማለት  ሽር ጉዱ!)

*
ሌቱ እስኪነጋ ለት
ቀን እስኪወጣ ለት
ያገሬ ሰው እንደሁ
ተኝ ሲሉት ተኛለሁ
ቁም ሲሉት ቆማለሁ።

እኔ ግን እነሁ
አድንቁ ይግረማችሁ  ፤
ቀኔ የሞላ ለት
 ክጫካ ወጥቼ፤
አሜሪካን ወዶኝ
እንግሊዝ ዶልቼ፤
ከተማ ገብቼ፦
ሙሉ ሃያ ዓመት ገዛሁኝ
የምሥራች በሉኝ።
ነገም ዛሬም እኔ ፤ አርባ እሞ ላለሁ፤
እከርማለሁ ገና  ከንጉሥ እበልጣለሁ፤
ቤን አሊ ጋዳፌ ሙባረክ አይደለሁ
ባስራ ሁለት ቢላ መብላት ተክኛለሁ።

እንደኔ ዓይነት ምላስ፤ 
                     ከሰንበር የሚለይ
ባሳብ በትካዜ፤
ባገር በወንዜም ላይ፤
                ኣንድም ቀን አይታይ፤
መለስ ዘና ዘና፤ ደሞም፤
ካስፈለገም
የሚል ቆጣ ቆጣ
የሚያስደነግጥም በጣቶች ቆረጣ፤
                   ሃያ ምላስ አለኝ
በመላው አፍሪቃ፤
                ፍጡም ወደር የለኝ።
ለሁሉም መልስ ያለው፤
                         መለስ እባላለሁ
ባባቴ ዜናዊ ፤ 
የዜና ፋብሪካ፦ 
                      ወሬ እወልዳለሁ
ዕጡብ ድንቅ በሉኝ፤ 
                           ዘላለም ኖራ ለ ሁ።
*
የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የወሬ፦የዜና ፋብሪካ፤   
ሰሞኑን በዛብን፤  ኧረ ምነው ፈካ! 

ዳቦ አይሆን ነገሩ፤ አይተካ ዶላሩን፦
ለክፉ ቀን ብሎ ፦ የ ኮ በ ለ ለ ው ን! 
እንዳባይ ወንዝ ውሃ ያልተገደበውን፦
ላገር ብልጥግና አልሆንም ያለውን። 
በላይ በላዩ የወሬ ጉርሻ
ለምን ይሆን፦ ለችግር ቅርሻ
በላይ በላዩ ዛቻ
ለምን ይሆን ፤ መሰንበቻ
ነዋይ ሥልጣን ፦ ማከማቻ
 *
ሞልትዋል፤ተትረፍርፍዋል፤

ይቀጥላል ገና
የ መለስ፦ የመልስ ጋጋታ-- የፋብሪካ ዜና።

Wednesday, June 22, 2011

ታላቅ ሰው ነበረ




አይ ለዛ አይ ፈገግታ
        አይ ሃገር አይ ትዝታ
               አይ ታሪክ ፦ በውብ ድምጽ  - ስክስታ
....                ውበት ባህል ሁኝ፦ነይልኝ ነይ - የልብ ትርታ።

Tuesday, June 14, 2011

The Success Story has no end... III

Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa : Ethiopia Country Report

Press Release

Oakland, CA:
California-based Oakland Institute has released a report on land investments in Ethiopia as a part of their larger project, “Understanding Land Investment Deals in Africa.”
“The Ethiopia report, a product of extensive fieldwork and the examination of official documents including contracts and agreements, shows that investors have acquired over 3.6 million ha of land throughout the country for the purposes of food and agrofuel production for foreign consumption,” said Anuradha Mittal, Executive Director of the Oakland Institute. “These deals have been made without the knowledge, consent, or collaboration of local communities and without assessments to determine the impact on the environment and the population. Thus it is essential that the reality of foreign investments in land in countries like Ethiopia is laid bare so communities, media, and policy makers have the information they need to make informed decisions,” she continued.
The deals include no commitments or regulations on foreign investments. A foreign investor in Ethiopia is quoted in the report as saying, “Our agreement with government is purely commercial. Government is charging us a rent... what we choose to do on the land for our own commercial intent is our own business. There are [sic] no governance, no constraints, no contracts, none of that.
The consequences of land deals include forced relocation of local communities, environmental devastation, water loss, and increased food insecurity.
“No one should believe that these investors are there to feed starving Africans, create jobs or improve food security,” Obang Metho of Solidarity Movement for New Ethiopia said. “These land grab agreements – many of which could be in place for 99 years – do not mean progress for local people and will not lead to food in their stomachs. These deals lead only to dollars in the pockets of corrupt leaders and foreign investors.”
“We have seen cases of speculators taking over agricultural land while small farmers, viewed as “squatters” are forcibly removed with no compensation,” said Frederic Mousseau, policy director at the Oakland Institute. “This is creating insecurity in the global food system that could be a much bigger threat to global security than terrorism. More than one billion people around the world are living with hunger. The majority of the world’s poor still depend on small farms for their livelihoods, and speculators are taking these away while promising progress that never happens.”
The Ethiopia report, as well as a brief on one of the investments, Saudi Star land deal, is available at http://media.oaklandinstitute.org/land-deals-africa/ethiopia.
Oakland Institute is an independent policy think tank, bringing fresh ideas and bold action to the most pressing social, economic, and environmental issues of our time.

www.oaklandinstitute.org

http://www.facebook.com/oak.institute

George Ayittey



...
"The Cheetahs do not look for excuses for government failure by wailing over the legacies of the slave trade, Western colonialism, imperialism, the World Bank or an unjust international economic system.

To the Cheetahs, this "colonialism-imperialism" paradigm, in which every African problem is analyzed, is obsolete and kaput. Unencumbered by the old shibboleths, Cheetahs can analyze issues with remarkable clarity and objectivity.

The outlook and perspectives of the Cheetahs are refreshingly different from those of many African leaders, intellectuals, or elites, whose mental faculties are so foggy and their reasoning or logic so befuddled that they cannot distinguish between right and wrong. They blame everybody else for Africa's problems except themselves."

http://edition.cnn.com/2010/OPINION/08/25/ayittey.cheetahs.hippos/index.html

http://www.ethiomedia.com/andnen/2590.html

Sunday, June 12, 2011

HOW LONG IN THE BOX ....!?

HOW LONG WOULD IT TAKE FOR THE ETHIOPIAN POLITICAL CLASS TO COME OUT OF THE BOX?

The big obstacle for the emergence of the New is the legacy of the Ethiopian political class(0* 
(Simple notes and suggestions for inquiry and reflection ... (1*:)

Every section has to consult its "political wisdom and conscience" from the vantage point of the aftermath, which renders us all a "better mind", in the new collective mind of the new political world! 

The global relation of forces have changed, the "cold war" is over, more than five decades have elapsed since the initial aspirations for a substantial change of the Ethiopian political system ever came in the minds of the protagonists; and we, including Ethiopia are in the 21st century! 

IT IS HIGH TIME we "arrive in the future“!
Let us come out of the box! 

The more we wait and live in the "blockade" the more time it takes to come to the Ethiopian NEW Era of Enlightenment against autocracy! In this aspect the old generation is especially deeply indebted to the new generation, so that the latter makes a real new beginning and renaissance! Progress comes more through learning from past failings rather than narrating once own saga and epic a hundred times to worship the presumable self-honored "heroic" deeds. Let THIS be the task of the far-would-be generation...to come.

1.       The Political Left: 

     What were the political blunders common to the whole legacy left!?

The main sections of the legacy Left:

-        EPRP –--- What are the failings and political blunders of EPRP?

-        Meison –-- What are the failings and political blunders of Meison?

-        Other allies of Dergue (the military) – What are the failings and political blunders of these sections as a collective?

-        Dergue – What was the political nature of Dergue and how can the political failings and crimes of the latter be characterized?

-        EPRDF/TPLF – What was TPLF; what has changed so far and what is the political tenor of its regime & how can the political failings and crimes of the latter be characterized?

-      ELF/EPLF and Other nationalist & "liberation" groups - What was and is the role played by these groups; specially in the context of international power relations and sphere of political influences ... and what is the political significance of these political forces as a collective; specially what position has been promoted and/or perhaps changed in the context of the Ethiopian statehood and the global political relations?  


-     The "Progressives" - from the social-democratic section up to a possible "radical left"; apart from the above affiliations; if there were any; what was their role and how would they position themselves today?



2.      The Feudal class/aristocracy and Monarchy:  What explains the political substance of this class in its specific Ethiopian context of the past and in the aftermath of Absolute Monarchy?



3.      The Political Right: What was the collective role and historical failings of the political "right" / the classical conservative section of the Ethiopian political landscape?

-        Absolute Monarchy – The past role of absolute monarchy? And its anticipated future, if there is any at all?

-        The aristocracy - How could the aristocracy be positioned in the past and the role of this in the Ethiopian collective political mind of today?

-        The modernists/the "liberal section" – What was/is the role and short-comings of the "modernist" section of the political class before and after the fall of absolute monarchy; especially in the context of Ethiopian statehood, and the Ethiopian cultural diversity

-        The “regional nationalist” including some “liberation” groups- What was the constructive or deconstructive role played by the "nationalist" sections of the past and the present Ethiopian polity; what was their objectives and how well was it addressed or not? Their positions and how much sovereign and authentic was their status in the international and regional political relations and interactions?



4.      Middle class – Where and how was / the Ethiopian middle class to be positioned in the Ethiopian political spectrum? Why were their presumable political representatives’ dormant or conspicuously inactive or lacking political moral courage in the past? Can they be represented today by the whole spectrum of the contemporary "opposition" parties? How authentically democratic and independent are they from the legacy active "groups" - their ideologies and political outlooks?

These stratifications of the social body are predominantly common objective products of our specific social evolution, with all the factors and functions of our own history prevailing in the context of the centuries-old Ethiopian socio-economic reality.

Perspective & Vision

Today, even after more than three decades of social evolution, in the aftermath of absolute monarchy, the tenor of the political landscape has not substantially changed and the Ethiopian political spectrum as a whole is highly loaded with the above legacy. Therefore the stalemate to make a real change and a new beginning; giving enough room and opportunity for the reign of autocracy!

There would be no substantial progress and a down-to-earth political reconciliation towards an authentic post-modernist democratic world-outlook in the political platform of the Ethiopian political class unless these essential legacy blunders of the Ethiopian political past (be it left or right oriented in the nationwide political spectrum) are reiterated and explicitly declared as political failings without any distinction and relativizing qualifications!(2*. I.e. Unequivocally and clearly specified to be chucked out for good to initiate a thorough renovation in the construction of a politically New Democratic Ethiopia – the Perspective & Vision – with the whole political spectrum (from the radical right through the center to the radical left playing their roles and defining their positions) with clear political distinctions and possible alliances like all healthy democratic communities all over the globe!
 ****************

(0* Political class meaning, the politically contentious multiplicity of the Ethiopian elite in ca. the last five decades . (See more on social multiplicities: A Simple Algebra of Social-Dynamics )
*

(1*  I know that it is simple to pretend wiser in the aftermath. But I know too that every section has its blunders and it doesn't get us forward if every section raises its finger to the other - "the other" - the "initial evil" -always looking for  "the scapegoat". 
In this context I remember what used to be said way back in 1968 at the summit of the HSI University student movement. During a stalemate in the student uprising, delegates were sent to the Emperor to present their cases. The Emperor in his customary calm plural form, asked the delegates: 
 " Now you young men & women ; whose failing is taking place these days: "Yours" or "Ours"?
/"Inante gena tadagi lijoch nachihu, lemehonu, yatefanew egna nen weis inante ?" 
እናንተ ታዳጊ ልጆች ናችሁ ለመሆኑ ያጠፋነው፦እኛ ነን ወይስ እናንተ? /
To this challenging inquiry one of the delegates, it is said, responded, in the following form: 
"Your imperial majesty, neither You nor We made the mistakes, but it is "The TIME"'s error " -  
"Janihoy, Tifategnaw ignam irswom aydelum, tifategnaw gizew new"
„ጃንሆይ ጥፋተኛው እኛም እርስዎም አይደሉም፦ ጥፋተኛው ጊዜው ነው!“
 and managed to escape the challenge and incrimination.

 Nonetheless, out of my perception, I would like for instance to make the following notes on the topic:
The legacy of the Ethiopian political class (simplified notes):
1.       The Political Left: 
Ideologically dogmatic, devoid of Ethiopian-nationalist pragmatism; unaware of statehood – the Ethiopian state formation.  A political blunder common to the whole legacy left!
-        EPRP – terrorist activities –liquidation of its opponents moved by utilitarianism political policies; including the support of the liberation of Eritrea outside the Ethiopian context; (“Eritrea – Ethiopian colony “ / the consequence – Autocracies in both regions) substantially undemocratic, pragmatically revolutionary motivated but unequivocally  authoritarian; a political destabilizing object utilized  by USA, in the hegemony struggle against Russia.
-        Meison – revolutionary romanticism and tacit alliance with the military in the escalation of the social and political antagonism; including the none-judicial initial tracking of its opponents, i.e. the so-called “ free measures” –with “self-defense” as self-justification; democratic & revolutionary motivated, but ideologically dogmatic and undemocratic; none-pragmatic naïve revolutionarism, dilettantism in power-politics.
-        Other allies of Dergue (the military) – crude opportunism lacking any political moral courage and ahistorical pragmatism; a political object of the Russian block.
-        Dergue – political stupidity combined with blind nationalism; crude Machiavelli  power-politics and object  of the international political game for hegemony and sphere of influence (USA vs. Russia), i.e. counter authentic sovereignty and a satellite of the Russian political block; substantially undemocratic and authoritarian and “fascistic” in action (“red-terror”)
-        EPRDF/TPLF – dogmatic-leftist nationalism,  moved by utilitarianism political policies for the “decolonization” of  Eritrea and Tigrai in consequence (“Eritrea – Ethiopian colony”); substantially undemocratic but pragmatic combined with  crude Machiavelli  power-politics; a political destabilizing object utilized  by USA in the game for hegemony and sphere of influence (USA vs. Russia)
-       ELF/EPLF & Other nationalist groups - dogmatic-leftist nationalism, moved by utilitarianism political policies, serving their petty regional objectives; political destabilizing objects utilized by regional and international powers with specific self-objectives; – substantially undemocratic, pragmatically revolutionary motivated and authoritarian
2.      The Feudal class/aristocracy and Monarchy:  Resisting any political reform and economic change; failed to introduce an authentic Constitutional Monarchy and land reform (or why not - “land to the tiller”)
3.      The Political Right: undemocratic, narrow nationalist up to chauvinistic and none-coherent at all levels; devoid of historical national mission; utilitarianism political policies
-        Absolute Monarchy – none-enlightened entangled between modernists and the aristocracy  ineffective in reformation and political change; Authoritarian and undemocratic
-        The aristocracy  - none-enlightened, conservative exploitive and backward
-        The modernist – not anti-authoritarian and undemocratic, not enlightened enough; perceptively caught in the perspective of Ethiopian statehood, unaware of the dynamics of the Ethiopian cultural diversity
-        The nationalist- narrow, local, authoritarian and none-reformists; moved by utilitarianism political policies, serving their petty regional objectives; political destabilizing objects utilized  by regional and international powers with specific self-objectives
4.      Middle class – A genuine nationalist middle class was either negligible or non-existent independently; it has subsumed itself to one of the other 3 strata.
*

(2* Once the legacy problems and failings of the political past are clarified and as long as they are politically interpreted in a transparent manner,  mutual trust  would develop and every protagonist would be taken at his own contemporary face value and new or old mind; without any form of backdoor incrimination alluding to the past!




Wednesday, June 8, 2011

The Late Jorge Semprún Maura - His last day +07.06.2011

Jorge Semprún Maura - 

A great Man, who has incorporated the experience of the century has left for Good! Our old generation may remember his film named "Z"!

Z is a 1969 French language political thriller directed by Costa Gavras, with a screenplay by Gavras and Jorge Semprún, based on the 1966 novel of the same name by Vassilis Vassilikos. The film presents a thinly fictionalized account of the events surrounding the assassination of democratic Greek politician Grigoris Lambrakis in 1963. With its satirical view of Greek politics, its dark sense of humor, and its downbeat ending, the film captures the outrage about the military dictatorship that ruled Greece at the time of its making.[1]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Z_%28film%29


Jorge Semprún Maura -  

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
.......

Émigrés and World War II

In the wake of Republican defeat in the Civil War, the Semprun family moved to France, and then to The Hague. His father was a diplomat in the mission of the "Spanish Republic in the Netherlands" up to the beginning of 1939. After the Netherlands officially recognized the Franco government, the family returned to France as refugees. Jorge Semprún enrolled at the Lycée Henri IV and later the Sorbonne.
During the Nazi occupation of France, as a young man Semprún joined the Francs-Tireurs et Partisans – Main-d'Œuvre Immigrée (FTP-MOI), a Resistance organization made up mostly of immigrants. After joining the Spanish Communist Party in 1942 in France, Semprun was reassigned to the Francs-Tireurs et Partisans (FTP), the Communist armed Resistance.[1] In 1943 he was arrested by the Gestapo and deported to the Buchenwald concentration camp for his role in the Resistance.[1]
In 1945 Semprun returned to France and became an active member of the exiled Communist Party of Spainpseudonym of Federico Sánchez.[2] He entered the party's executive committee in 1956. In 1964 he was expelled from the party because of "differences regarding the party line," and from then on he concentrated on his writing career......
*
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1dUtyAz3Bfc

Thursday, June 2, 2011

የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የዜና ፋብሪካ

የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የወሬ፦የዜና ፋብሪካ፤   
ሰሞኑን በዛብን፤  ኧረ ምነው ፈካ! 

ዳቦ አይሆን ነገሩ፤ አይተካ ዶላሩን፦
ለክፉ ቀን ብሎ ፦ የ ኮ በ ለ ለ ው ን! 
እንዳባይ ወንዝ ውሃ ያልተገደበውን፦
ላገር ብልጥግና አልሆንም ያለውን።

በላይ በላዩ የወሬ ጉርሻ
ለምን ይሆን፦ ለችግር ቅርሻ
በላይ በላዩ ዛቻ
ለምን ይሆን ፤ መሰንበቻ
ነዋይ ሥልጣን ፦ ማከማቻ

 -ኤርትራን እወራለሁ

-አባይን ገድባለሁ

-ግብጥን ነክሻለሁ

-ሱዳን እሄዳለሁ
      ሰላም መጥናለሁ

-ሱማሌ  እቆያለሁ።

-ዋጋ  መቆ ጣጠር
ትቻለሁ ፡ ለቃለሁ

-ካቶሊክ ሆኛለሁ ፤ 
ነጋዴ አግብቼያለሁ

- ይቅርታ ብያለሁ፤
ደርግን እፈታለሁ።
*
ደግሞም ድንቅ እንቅ ይበላችሁ
አልፌ ተርፌ ጃፓንን ረዳለሁ
ለታሪክና ፌዝ
ይመዝገብ በቶሎበጥብቅ ኣዝዣለሁ::
 (ይኀ  ሁሉ፤)

እንዳንረሳሳ ፡ ጅራፍ እባላለሁ
ገርፌ ጮሃለሁ፤
ብሬን አሸሻለሁ፡
ዋ  ብቻ ብያለሁ፤
ቀልቤን እንዳትገፉ፦ ሃብቴን እንዳትነኩ
ባህር ማዶ ያለውን፤ በየፈረንጅ ባንኩ።

(ላለ ማለት  ሽር ጉዱ!)

*
ሌቱ እስኪነጋ ለት
ቀን እስኪወጣ ለት
ያገሬ ሰው እንደሁ
ተኝ ሲሉት ተኛለሁ
ቁም ሲሉት ቆማለሁ።

እኔ ግን እነሁ
አድንቁ ይግረማችሁ  ፤
ቀኔ የሞላ ለት
 ክጫካ ወጥቼ፤
አሜሪካን ወዶኝ
እንግሊዝ ዶልቼ፤
ከተማ ገብቼ፦
ሙሉ ሃያ ዓመት ገዛሁኝ
የምሥራች በሉኝ።
ነገም ዛሬም እኔ ፤ አርባ እሞ ላለሁ፤
እከርማለሁ ገና  ከንጉሥ እበልጣለሁ፤
ቤን አሊ ጋዳፌ ሙባረክ አይደለሁ
ባስራ ሁለት ቢላ መብላት ተክኛለሁ።

እንደኔ ዓይነት ምላስ፤ 
                     ከሰንበር የሚለይ
ባሳብ በትካዜ፤
ባገር በወንዜም ላይ፤
                ኣንድም ቀን አይታይ፤
መለስ ዘና ዘና፤ ደሞም፤
ካስፈለገም
የሚል ቆጣ ቆጣ
የሚያስደነግጥም በጣቶች ቆረጣ፤
                   ሃያ ምላስ አለኝ
በመላው አፍሪቃ፤
                ፍጡም ወደር የለኝ።
ለሁሉም መልስ ያለው፤
                         መለስ እባላለሁ
ባባቴ ዜናዊ ፤ 
የዜና ፋብሪካ፦ 
                      ወሬ እወልዳለሁ
ዕጡብ ድንቅ በሉኝ፤ 
                           ዘላለም ኖራ ለ ሁ።
*
የመልስ ጋጋታ፤ የወሬ፦የዜና ፋብሪካ፤   
ሰሞኑን በዛብን፤  ኧረ ምነው ፈካ! 

ዳቦ አይሆን ነገሩ፤ አይተካ ዶላሩን፦
ለክፉ ቀን ብሎ ፦ የ ኮ በ ለ ለ ው ን! 
እንዳባይ ወንዝ ውሃ ያልተገደበውን፦
ላገር ብልጥግና አልሆንም ያለውን። 
በላይ በላዩ የወሬ ጉርሻ
ለምን ይሆን፦ ለችግር ቅርሻ
በላይ በላዩ ዛቻ
ለምን ይሆን ፤ መሰንበቻ
ነዋይ ሥልጣን ፦ ማከማቻ
 *
ሞልትዋል፤ተትረፍርፍዋል፤

ይቀጥላል ገና
የ መለስ፦ የመልስ ጋጋታ-- የፋብሪካ ዜና።
1*)


"When the idea formed of Divinity is the fruit of true spiritual culture, its intimate re-action on the inner perfection is at once beneficial and beautiful. All things assume a new form and meaning in our eyes when regarded as the creatures of forecasting design, and not the capricious handiwork of unreasoning chance. The ideas of wisdom order, and adaptative forethought,—ideas so necessary to the conduct of our own actions, and even to the culture of the intellect,—strike deeper root into our susceptible nature, when we discover them everywhere around us. The finite becomes, as it were, infinite; the perishable, enduring; the fleeting, stable; the complex, simple,—when we contemplate one great regulating Cause on the summit of things, and regard what is spiritual as endlessly enduring. Our search after truth, our striving after perfection, gain greater certainty and consistency when we can believe in the existence of a Being who is at once the source of all truth, and the sum of all perfection. The soul becomes less painfully sensible of the chances and changes of fortune, when it learns how to connect hope and confidence with such calamities. The feeling of receiving everything we possess from the hand of love, tends no less to exalt our moral excellence and enhance our happiness. Through a constant sense of gratitude for enjoyment—through clinging with fond trustfulness to the object towards which it yearns, the soul is drawn out of itself, nor always broods in jealous isolation over its own sensations, its own plans, hopes, and fears. Should it lose the exalting feeling of owing everything to itself, it still enjoys the rapture of living in the love of another,—a feeling in which its own perfection is united with the perfection of that other being. It becomes disposed to be to others what others are to it; it would not that they too should receive nothing but from themselves, in the same way that it receives nothing from others."

Wilhelm von Humboldt, The Limits of State action; 1792(CHAPTER VII.
Religion)

The Synthesis